There was “Ottie” striding across the page. Under the picture, this headline: “Bermuda’s ‘dark day’ – 40 years on”. The headline led into a story, run over two pages, replete with names and personal recollections [RG – 02 Feb 05].

            The story showed a depth of research that is not that common. It was a well-done and interesting story.

            That headline though, told another tale.

            ‘Dark day’ is entirely a matter of perspective. The story’s lead paragraph spoke of a “..turning point in Bermuda’s history…”. This theme of a ‘turning point’ was reiterated by “Ottie” Simmons – forty years ago, in 1965, a BIU organizer; and by Derrick Burgess – forty years later, in 2005, the BIU president.

            However, if the headline writer’s perspective is correct, it appears that for him [or her], the day was a bad day – a “dark day”.. Certainly, the idea that February 2nd 1965 led to a troubled period in Bermuda’s history can be supported by pointing to the riots and arson of 1968 – the disturbances of 1970 – the killings of 1973 – the riots and hangings and killings of 1977 – the General Strike of 1981.

            So, from one perspective, 2nd February 1965 might have been a bad day. And all the other events bad events. But that’s only from one perspective. Is there, as there usually is, another perspective? There is.

            In the forty-six years from 1959 to 2005, Bermuda changed from what was then a typical colonial regime to full internal self-government. From a white minority government and racial segregation and discrimination maintained by Bermuda laws, to a black majority government and an absence of almost all discriminations.

            Change in Bermuda did not come about because ‘Jack Tucker’ and his mates woke up one day in 1959 and said: “We’ve seen the light! We’ll end all segregation! We will have equality of treatment for all!”  No, that didn’t happen. In fact ‘Jack Tucker” found the 1959 Theatre Boycott a “’curious affair’, since there did not appear to be any serious matter of principle in dispute” [*].

            From June 1959 to November 1998, this island’s black population worked its way towards the free and open society that we all today enjoy. 2nd February 1965, was just another one of those several days on which this long black struggle saw an eruption into violence.

            Violence is a common part of the process of struggle.  Those who are struggled against often paint and demonize strugglers as criminals and troublemakers. This happens because those who are struggled against are the makers of laws. Those who are struggled against generally create laws that help to maintain their ascendancy.

            Those who struggle have two choices. Either accept inequity or break some laws and start to create a brand-new situation where equality will exist. More simply, either stay down or stand up. Over a hundred years ago, the Irish patriot James Connolly put it this way: “The great only appear great because we are on our knees…let us arise!”. Eighty years later, Bob Marley sang the idea to the new reggae beat in “Get up, stand up”.

            One hundred and twenty-five years after Emancipation, black Bermudians began to “get up and stand up”.  At intervals, there were scuffles and riots. Along the way there were some deaths. Always, though, there was a steady movement – by black Bermudians – towards the free and open society that now exists. Always, unfortunately, there was resistance – by some white Bermudians – towards that desirable progress.

            When looking back and assigning values to past action, all of humankind tends to place values according to the stream of history down which they came.  Martin Luther King’s ‘march on Selma’ is seen by some as a march to victory that helped to bring Condoleeza Rice to where she is today. But that’s a black American perspective. A staunch right-wing white Alabamian might still see that Selma march as an act perpetrated by black criminals and trouble-makers.

            For a right-wing white Alabamian, the day of the march on Selma was a ‘dark day’; presaging many darker days to come. Is this the same for the person – whoever that person is – who worded the Royal Gazette ‘dark day’ headline for what was an otherwise superb story? A story refreshingly devoid of any other biased perspective.

            Forty years later our ‘dark past’ still surges into our present.



[*]  “Man of Stature – Sir Henry James Tucker” J Randolf Williams – Camden Editions, 1987 – page 132.           



With details of the 2001 Census now leaching out, it’s clear, in one prime area, that there has been some change. That area? Re-balancing of our society.

            In 1991, incomes in black households were 29% below incomes in white households. In 2001, it appears that incomes in black households are 22% below the incomes of white households. Anyway you look at it, that’s an improvement. A 10% improvement. Black households have done some catching up. One of the bad effects of Bermuda’s past is beginning to fade away. But at this catch-up rate it’ll be another seventy years – a whole generation – before blacks reach parity.

            However, there’s a danger lurking on the sidelines. That danger stems from the difference in the return on investments made in education.

            Bermuda is now an economy that relies heavily on selling its intellectual – not physical – services. Result? Bermuda needs a greater percentage of its workforce trained and educated in higher grade skills. With continuing improvements in technology and greater use of micro-chips, Bermuda needs fewer and fewer technicians and artisans. So does all the rest of the world. So, globally, there’s less of a demand for plumbers, masons, carpenters etc… Still a need. Still a demand. But less of a demand than 50 or 25 years ago.

            The demand now is for ‘brain’ workers. ‘Brain’ workers tend to require education past the secondary level. ‘Brain’ workers need some kind of quality tertiary education. Maybe not university, but certainly some kind of post-secondary skills, vocational, or academic training.

            In order to get a quality tertiary education, the pre-requisite is an adequate primary and secondary foundation education. It’s here that a difference shows up. The majority of white households send their children into private education. The majority of black households send their children into public education.

            Bermuda’s white households invest heavily in education. The Census says that 3 out of every 4 white children are in some kind of private education. White households who use private education systems, still pay into the tax base for the public education system. For education, these white households are paying – investing – twice.

            Bermuda’s black households do not invest as heavily in education. The Census says that 3 out of every 4 black children are in public education. These Black households only pay into the tax base for the public education system. For education, these black households only pay – invest – once.

            Private education delivers a generally high quality education. The private education system makes sure that its students regularly qualify to international standards and regularly gain entry to first class institutes of tertiary education.

            The public education system delivers a lower quality education. Its students do not regularly qualify to any recognized international standard. Its students do not usually qualify for entry into first class institutes of tertiary education unless they have some kind of remedial education.

            Thus, in the absolute and unforgiving race to produce ‘brain’ workers, black households are handicapped – not by their race – but by their choice of system, and by their priority of choice. The choice made by black households results in their being handicapped by the reality that the education system that they use is inferior to the private system.

            But don’t black households earn less than white households? Yes. And the Census confirms that. However education enables incomes to improve. So choice of educational process will determine whether or not a good product or an inferior is received, and thus whether or not income earning potential can or will increase. Since choice is driven by a combination of priority and affordability, it’s clear that lack of money can lead to a lack of choice – even if do priorities exist.

            So richer white households find private education more affordable and place a high priority on it. Black households, with less money, may find private education less affordable – but may also place a lower priority on education.

            In this national – indeed global – production race, Bermuda’s black households are further handicapped by their inability – or refusal – to change and improve their clearly inferior but extremely well-funded public education system.

            In this national – and global – race for economic place, it’s possible for black households to catch up, but not if they remain handicapped by the education system that they pay for and use.

            Race isn’t the problem. It’s years of inferior education that creates the molasses in the black guys and gals running track. It’s years of superior education that creates the spikes in the shoes of the guys and gals in the white lane.

            It isn’t race. It’s choice. It isn’t a black and white issue. It’s a results and priority issue.

            There’s little point in black folks sitting in the moaner’s pews wailing and moaning about the past. The past is past. The power has shifted. Every power, every tool, every device that’s needed to get rid of that black track molasses is in the hands of black Bermudians.

            In 1972, black people in Bermuda grew big afros, wore dashikis, complained about racial discrimination, and talked about Black Power. Back then they had no power. It’s now 2002. Black Power has arrived. Real Black Power exists.

            Got it! Use it!


Why no majority black support at Hogges games?  Why hugely black support at any Devonshire Cougar’s game at the ‘Rec’ – just 300 metres away along Frog Lane?

            Globally – USA excepted – professional football is a sport characterized by intensely loyal – even fanatical – bands of supporters who follow their teams and watch every game – whether at home or away. Devonshire Cougars have been around for a long time. They have a sizeable following made up of their highly partisan neighbourhood supporters. 

            Cougar’s win many of their games. Hogges have yet to hit a winning streak.  Bermudians – especially black Bermudians – have a well-established habit of supporting winners, and not supporting teams or entities that they consider ‘losers’ – even if they’re national teams. Look at the low level of support for many of Bermuda’s other sporting teams and events. Bermudian support for Bermuda’s WCC team was generated more as the result of international interest and comment on the ‘newsworthy’ and comedic aspects of the team’s performance. Note the drop-off in interest once the team returned.

            The BFA’s entry price to a Cougar’s game is far less than the minimum $25 that it cost to watch a Hogges’ game.  A father – or mother – could take two kids along (as happened so often) thus dropping the real attendance cost to under $9 each. So taking a family to a Hogge’s game was actually a good form of cheap entertainment. Statisticians don’t hide the income differentials that do exist in Bermuda, so some people will always find it easier to pay $25 or $35 than others.    

            Some people were prepared to pay, and pay well, to watch a bunch of Bermudians learn to play high quality professional football. Some people understand that a team needs support when winning as well as when losing. Some people understand that spectator support is as much an investment in the team as are the hours and dollars that others spend on the actual team itself.

            Overall, a different pie-slice of Bermuda’s resident society attended the Hogges’ games than attends the Cougar’s – or other BFA – games. Most of the black non-support at the Hogges’ games was caused by the combining of all – and then some more – of the factors that I’ve set out.

            There are many differences between blacks and whites in Bermuda. These differences are often glossed over. Just as often they break through. They broke through and showed themselves in the blue seats at the National Stadium.

            We are still two Bermudas. Each behaving and reacting differently.

            Southlands? Until 1998, black Bermudians were powerless. From 1834 through to 1997, black Bermudians could only try to influence Bermuda’s real power-wielders. Blacks did this in two ways. From 1834 until 1964, they begged for better treatment and more inclusion. In 1964, black Bermudians joined the newly formed UBP and tried to insert themselves inside the white political power structure and use a power-sharing process to get better treatment and achieve more inclusion.

            Between 1963 and 1998, by providing the possibility of an alternative PLP government, blacks, now operating in both ways, did strongly influence many of the political actions of the white power-holders.

            That changed in November 1998. Bermuda’s black majority, in a successful bid for political power, grabbed all of that power. They have had it ever since.           

            Now that Bermuda’s black majority has its hand on the levers of power, it is using that power. That majority has now become comfortable with power. The Southlands decision is a clear demonstration of their power. There will be damage to the environment. But for these power-holders, this damage to the environment is – in US military parlance – acceptable collateral damage. The overall action at the 37 acre Southlands is not markedly different, in plan and in principle, from the 1920’s sale of 510 acres in Tucker’s Town to the Bermuda Development Company.

            Julian Hall, Dr Smith-Wade, even, at times, Dr Eva Hodgson, write and talk about a passed past. The Bermuda that I see is a Bermuda where power sits in the hands of Bermudian people like Gerald Simons, Ewart Brown, Vince Ingham, Derrick Burgess, Charles-Etta Simmons, Philip Butterfield, Paula Cox, Neletha Butterfield….  But power also sits in the hands of people like the boo’ers at Snorkel Park and Election Day Voters – and these know that.

            So listen carefully to all the cries coming out of Bermuda. Keep your eyes open. See who is crying and see the power-wielders against whom people are crying out.

            Look! See! Listen! Hear! 


What a week it’s been!  Recent dialogue shows that Bermudians have moved one more step closer to being a more open society.

            We had a slanging match over the Southlands/Jumeirah hotel development. We learned about Andre Curtis’s $27,000 lunch bill (That’s a lotta’ greeze in such a short time!).  The BHC matter looks set for a pre-Halloween session at the Privy Council. Will they wear wigs as well as masks?

            Through it all seeped the little voices that I’ve learned to listen for, and the little signs that I’ve learned are the pointers to the future.

            Like a breaching whale, our Bermudian differences popped up. At the same time,   our real, not our imagined, Bermudian reality showed itself.  Just like the big splash that the whale makes when it re-enters the water. 

            One of the differences showed in the decision by the ABC to withdraw from the impending election. Fundamentally, if you believe that you don’t matter, then the reality is that you really won’t matter; that your existence, your continued existence, is pointless.   The ABC reckoned that their political actions would not make any difference. So they chose to pull out. It was a stupid decision. The decision says that their powerlessness stems from an innate belief – now out in the open – that they can’t make a difference. So they’ll self-fulfill their own prophecy and they won’t make a difference!

            Power belongs only to by people who reach out and grab it.  Don’t reach? Can’t get!  Reach? Might miss! Might succeed!

            A second difference came with Southlands. Here, the ‘fait accompli’ was finally ‘accompli’ed’. But what was Southlands all about? The media play and public noise has been about the natural environment. The South Shore slanging match hinted at the underlying reality that is obscured by our national communicating processes.

            Southlands was really all about ‘it’s my turn now’. It was a display of ‘I’ve got the power’ and ‘I’ll do it my way’.

            Today is Emancipation Day. One hundred and seventy three years ago, to the day, black Bermudians were freed from slavery. Almost exactly 173 years later – just a week early – black Bermudians acted to take economic advantage of some of Bermuda’s land-space. Effectively, in terms of strategic development, their action today is not radically different from the action taken in Tucker’s Town in the 1920’s.  The difference is in where the benefits will flow.

            In the 1920’s the major benefit flowed to members of Bermuda’s dominant political group. In 2007, the major benefit will flow to members of Bermuda’s dominant political group. It is exactly the same script. Just different actors on stage. There were no family evictions at Southlands, but there are many other similarities in the two situations.

            The environmental damage aspect, though, is real. All Bermuda will incur a heavy national penalty.  That penalty will now have to be borne and it will be shared.

            New reality? A new breed of black Bermudians are ‘in charge’ now and they’ve recognized – and are not afraid to use – their power.

            The last thing that really caught my attention is the support shown for the Bermuda Hogges team.

            At the first game that I attended, I anticipated that the majority of supporters would be white persons. For all the games that I’ve attended, the vast majority of supporters at the games were white persons. The most vocal support at the games comes from a group of guys who are majority white.  The Bermuda Hogges team is majority black. So, why no black majority support for the team? Like Adrian Robson and Shawn Goater, I’d puzzled over it.

            Around 0945hrs on Sunday morning – how Bermudian! – someone sparked the beginning of a revelation.  A black man called me to discuss matters involving race. In the course of that conversation he said that he was in favour of using the term ‘back slapping blacks’.  As I understood it, he was referring to blacks who sought approbation from whites.  I disagreed with his concept, argued strenuously with him, and gave him my different perspective.

            Thinking on, I thought my way through to a clearer understanding of a lot of other matters.

            I recalled Julian Hall and Dr Muriel Smith-Wade’s recent rants about ‘white supremacy’. I grouped that with my Sunday morning conversation about ‘back slapping blacks’. I put that alongside black non-attendance at Hogges games. Finally, I added the ‘in-your-face’ decision about Southlands, and the crowd greeting for the Premier at Snorkel Park.

            My conclusion?

            Wait ‘til next week……. 


An overwhelmingly white UBP scares me! In February 1834, pre-empting Emancipation, Bermuda’s all white legislature raised the property vote qualification from 40 Pounds to 100 Pounds. This simple act ensured the future disenfranchisement of all the black slaves who were due to be freed on  1st August 1834.            In 1963, the three hundred forty year-old Property Vote was replaced by the Plus Vote. Bermuda’s register of voters grew from around 7,500 voters, with four white voters for every black voter; to about 15,000 voters, but now with about two black voters for every one white voter. However, in this new Plus Vote system, everybody got one vote but property owners got two votes. This ensured that ultimate political power remained in white hands.             The Plus Vote was set for repeal in 1966. White Bermudians understood that to retain power, they would have to receive all the minority white population votes plus a proportion of the majority black population votes.        In August 1964, Sir Henry Tucker helped create the United Bermuda Party. Mr Ernest Vesey, white and a UBP Cabinet Minister, describes the thinking behind the 1964 start-up of the UBP: “If blacks hadn’t joined [the UBP] would have been doomed to failure.”[*] The UBP’s sole purpose was to hold on to the political power that white Bermudians had always held.            To do this, the UBP had to get and then hold on to a guaranteed bloc of black voter support. The UBP got that black support by promising to assimilate blacks into Bermuda’s social and economic worlds and by offering to share political power.            In 1974, ten years after the UBP’s start, UBP blacks were disenchanted by the failure to deliver on the promises. They formed the UBP’s Black Caucus. Even after Sir John Swan’s 1982 accession to power, UBP blacks remained dissatisfied. Dr Newman and Dr Swain in the mid-nineties reported – to the UBP – on a clear lack of black progress. Butterfield Bank’s CEO, John Tugwell, speaking as late as 1998, spoke out – yet again – on his recognition of a lack of black progress in that business organization.             From all of that, one fact distils. The UBP was created in order to maintain the dominance of one racial group over another. From its 1964 start to 1998, despite receiving black voter support, despite having a popular black leader, despite even having a majority of elected black UBP parliamentarians; the UBP – right up to 1998 – still maintained the dominance of Bermuda’s minority racial group over Bermuda’s majority racial group.            In 1998, Bermuda’s demographic majority – as embodied in the PLP – wrenched political power from the hands of the racial minority – as embodied in the UBP.  A political party composed of people from the majority of Bermuda’s population and representing the interests of the majority of Bermuda’s population was now in power.            In 2007, it seems that Bermuda’s white voters have remained uniquely loyal to the UBP. Whites have not crossed any racial lines – as blacks did in joining the UBP – to become part of the governing party.              When I look at the UBP, I see a political party that appears overwhelmingly white. I sense and see a long whip that curls back to 1964 and flicks even further back to 1834. In 2007, the buzz-words of ‘diversity’ or ‘inclusive’ do not camouflage or conceal that whip; nor do they alter the demographics of the UBP.  I see what I’ve described.                      When I see the UBP, my subconscious sees attachments to an ugly political past. If the UBP does not stand for, or represent, a group that is seeking to re-assert white dominance; then what does the UBP stand for and how am I to believe it?            I want peace, no crime, a good education system, and a fair chance at all available opportunities. I believe that what I want is the same as any white Bermudian wants. But if white Bermudians find it necessary – or desirable – or to their advantage – to stand together but separate from me, I am alarmed.  What do they want that is different from what I want?            I – and everyone else – knows the past.  I do not want a replay of racial history. So an overwhelmingly white UBP scares me, chills me, makes me shiver!            Wayne Furbert? Maxie Burgess? Gwyneth Rawlins? The others…?              They are unfortunate human corks bobbing about on the river of Bermuda’s white history and reality. They don’t really matter. What really matters is what will white Bermudians do?


I’ve watched and listened as accusations were cast; arrests, injunctions, and writs made; media discussion roiled and boiled; and public gossip – some say Bermuda’s real news network – spread its views.  I’m waiting for the Privy Council to hand down its ruling – highly likely – that the media can print and tell the tale.

            Us gilded lot, comfortably ensconced on our idyllic Atlantic Eden, still live in a real world; and this, our Eden, has changed. All of us can still remember the fire and smoke as we recall the day the global world changed on 9/11. But few of us seem to realize how much our Eden changed on that other  9/11 – November 1998.

            The biggest change? The sense of empowerment that came in one split-second sometime around 2200hrs on Monday night, 9th November 1998.  In 2007, Bermudians feel freer and far more in-charge than ever before in all of Bermuda’s 398-year history.

            You can hear this sense of empowerment in the voices on the half-dozen radio talk shows. You can see it in the much wider range of opinions getting through the editorial filters of Bermuda’s print media. You should see it in the willingness of people to take a strident public position – as did those young students who marched on Parliament, demanded, and got an audience with the Premier. This new sense of empowerment coupled with a sense of outrage may have caused some people to purloin confidential documents and put them into the public domain.

            However one little thing keeps popping up. It’s certainly happening with this BHC matter. It’s what some people call the ‘race card’. The term is usually a white Bermudian response to what is seen as the expression, by a black Bermudian, of some feeling that appears to introduce a racial element into what white Bermudians see as a matter that is, or that should be, race neutral.

            Is there really such a thing as a ‘race card’?

            The absolute reality is that black and white Bermudians do have completely differing perspectives on many single issues. That perspective comes out of their personal and folk histories. It’s demonstrated and captured most clearly in the widely diverging views and values that both groups have developed about Bermuda’s primary daily.

            For black Bermudians, the Royal Gazette – printing since 1828 – is a paper with a bad history. It’s the paper that, from 1828 – 1834, advertised ‘slave sales’.  The paper that carried those 1950’s ‘white only’ ads. That took no stand against segregation and described the 1959 Theatre Boycotters as an alien-like “large crowd of coloured people”.  That in 1998, allowed the ‘bulls-eye’ ad depicting Delaey Robinson.

            Although today’s editor, Bill Zuill Jr, was not the editor during any of these times, he is the editor today and heads the newspaper attached to that long, long, tail. 

            Few black Bermudians – of any political persuasion – see the Gazette (or its sister paper) any differently than I’ve just described it. (Don’t believe me? Ask around.)

             I believe white Bermudians may view the Gazette differently. White Bermudians may see the Gazette as a newspaper that is objective, though displaying a tendency to lean to the political right.

            At all times, when most black Bermudians read the Royal Gazette, they pass the words through the filter of their personal and folk history. Then they put the words through the usual intellectual test for honesty. So, for most black Bermudian readers, an ordinary information extraction process has two steps.

            Primary result of this filtering process?  Some kinds of information are always put through this racial filter. Primary consequence?  The louder the Royal Gazette shouts, the greater the filtering effort. If the Gazette shouting ramps up, the ‘filterers’ and filters get over-loaded and start rejecting.

            The clearest recent occurrence and best example of this kind of major and massive rejection was in September/October 1998 when the UBP’s ‘they can’t do it’ media campaign was at its peak. That campaign backfired massively because of this black filter factor.

            There is no ‘race card’. However, there is – absolutely – a racial filter that results in black and white Bermudians viewing the same single thing and then perceiving two different things.

            This BHC matter? When, as is likely, the stuff finally leaches into the public domain, the public will view it – from its differing perspectives – and will then decide.

            Julian Hall’s electoral ‘kick-in-the-pants’ in the 1993 election says that the Voter does eventually think, does act independently, and does use commonsense

Revolution and Evolution

Like the head-rolling French revolution of 1789, revolution is fast.  One day the nation is ruled by Kings and nobles. Next day the King’s got no head. It’s fast.

            Evolution is slower. Now there’s dinosaurs and no men (or women). Ten million years later, there’s women (and men). Thirty years ago we were ooohing and aaaahing over hand-held calculators that were as big as a paperback book. Thirty years later we can fit a calculator and a watch on a wristband, and even a two year-old can operate a globe-girdling emailing Blackberry.

            Political parties are creations and creators of both revolution and evolution. Abe Lincoln’s Republican Party was the party that led the USA’s fight against slavery. Back then, the Republican Party was the party that attracted and held on to the votes of black Americans. Now that kind of black support has mostly gone over to the Democratic Party. That’s evolution.

            Same here at 32N64W.

            Around 2200hrs on Monday 9th November 1998, three hundred years of white political and racial domination ended. A present and a future changed. That was the revolution and the revolutionary moment. Since then, us lot at 32N64W have been part of an evolutionary process.

            The wild-eyed starry-eyed revolutionaries of the PLP have taken control of all the reins and wheels of government. They’ve moved on from surging to the barricades and fighting for equality and freedom for black folk.  Properly and openly supported by the majority of voters, who just happen to be black, they’re now they’re running the country. Now, as government, they’re doing what all governments do. They’re jailing black folk, issuing Work Permits to white foreigners, and, every now and again, evicting black tenants. So, as I always expected, the PLP has evolved into an ordinary governing party doing the mundane – and sometimes unpleasant – things that all governing parties have to do. That evolution is continuing.

            Nine years down the evolutionary path, the PLP has to continue to evolve – and evolve even more rapidly – into a party of excellent technocrats and sound managers who can stay ahead of the demands created by our sophisticated society operating a complex economy in an intensely competitive global marketplace.

            That’s what the PLP has to do.  It needs to stay on that course and stay ahead in the global race.

            Over the fence and out in the cold, there’s the UBP. The November 1998 revolution tossed that party out into the cold. That toss-out happened as fast as Louis XVI’s guillotined royal head separated from his royal body. The UBP now has to evolve from what it was into what it needs to be.  

            But what was the UBP? It was a party created solely in order to take control of the reins and wheels of governments as well as, and particularly, to sustain white political domination over Bermuda’s black majority. Around 2200hrs on November 1998, that changed. Going forward, the UBP either keeps to its creator’s ethos and remains a white party seeking to re-establish white domination as in the thirty decades before 1998; or the UBP evolves into something else.

            Unless I am mistaken, unless I am completely wrong, unless I am mis-reading every written, spoken, and implied communication; I do not believe that white Bermudians want a return to the ‘good old days’ when Bermuda was rife with Institutional Discrimination, full of unabashed racial prejudice, and accepted that people like Alex Outerbridge could be handled so shamelessly.

            But if white Bermudians stick together so resolutely, that they only join and vote for the UBP, I am left puzzled. Confused! What – just what – principles, policies and practices does today’s UBP advocate that causes and sustains such strong one-sided racial cohesion?    

            Is the UBP of 2007 the same as the UBP of 1997 and 1987 and 1977 and 1967? If the UBP has evolved, into what has it evolved? Or is it just an old white ‘dinosaur’ that’s about to fade into some geologic layer there to await re-discovery, in a distant 3007, by some keen student of political palaeontology ?

            What has the UBP evolved into?  What is the UBP? Can anyone tell me? Please…?